Introduction
The prevalence and rising trend of authoritarianism is a significant challenge confronting many Francophone African countries (1). In response to this trend, governance and democracy think tanks have a role to play in spotlighting democratic principles that promote effective governance and fundamental human rights. It is important to highlight the critical role think tanks could play in reinforcing democratic institutions and pushing for necessary policy reforms. Many Francophone African countries such as Gabon, Chad, Mali, Burkina Faso Niger and even Cameroon have either undone or reversed democratic gains accrued in the past and this is evident in recurrent coups within the last few years as well as the concentration of power in the hands of unaccountable autocrats (2).
Within this context, think tanks work on unveiling the patterns of authoritarianism through offering research-driven policy ideas and suggestions through their advocacy for democratic principles. This paper explores the prevalence of authoritarianism in Francophone Africa and analyzes its impact on governance and democracy. We will outline strategies for how think tanks can promote democracy and good governance amid the authoritarian rule. Finally, we will present policy recommendations that think tanks could consider when navigating the challenges of authoritarianism.
I – Authoritarianism, Democracy, and Governance in Francophone Africa
During the Scramble for Africa, European powers, including France, partitioned the continent into colonies. France established colonies in West and Central Africa, including Senegal, Guinea, Mali, Ivory Coast, Benin, Niger, Chad, CAR, the Republic of Congo, Gabon, and Cameroon. These countries became known as Francophone African countries because of the French policy of assimilation. France assimilated her colonies into the French empire through language and culture, education, administration and economy. French colonial legacy in Francophone Africa has played a significant role in the ongoing prevalence of authoritarianism. The French colonial administration frequently established paternalistic and centralized power systems that are difficult to dismantle in the post-colonial era. The strong connection between France and the former colonies has contributed in sustaining neo-colonial dynamics that have contributed in hindering democratic advancement (3). Autocratic regimes in Francophone Africa pose significant challenges to democracy and the protection of human rights in the various countries. Although there were notable improvements in democratic governance during the 1990s, numerous Francophone African nations like Cameroon, Gabon, Niger, Mali and Burkina Faso, have since witnessed a regression, characterized by an increase in authoritarianism (4).
Authoritarian regimes currently exert significant influence over the political environment in various Francophone African nations. Notable examples include Cameroon, where President Paul Biya has ruled for over 42 years, a tenure characterized by repression and violations of human rights (5). There are also arbitrary changes to the electoral calendar, indicating a frail democratic framework. Secondly, Congo Republic, where President Denis Sassou Nguesso has retained power through electoral fraud and violence, with opposition groups consistently alleging irregularities in the electoral process (6). Thirdly, there is Chad, where President Idriss Déby ruled for 30 years, during which his administration was notorious for authoritarian practices and human rights abuses. His son, who succeeded him, continues this legacy (7). The recent military coups in Mali, Niger, and Burkina Faso further illustrate the fragility of democratic systems and a troubling resurgence of authoritarian governance (8).
Several factors contribute to the prevalence of authoritarian regimes in Francophone Africa, some of which include weak institutions, fragile democratic structures, and insufficient checks on the executive branch of the government (9). A glaring example here is Cameroon, where the distinction between the executive, legislative, and judiciary is blurred. Furthermore, economic instability, high levels of poverty, inequality, and reliance on natural resources provide a conducive environment for authoritarian leaders to thrive (10). External interference also plays a crucial role in this scenario where, for example, foreign nations, such as France, usually prioritize stability over democratic principles, inadvertently bolstering authoritarian regimes.
In these authoritarian Francophone regimes, we witness human rights violations, repression, arbitrary detentions, and widespread torture (11). On the economic front, such authoritarianism often hampers investment, innovation, and overall economic development, with one of the consequences being social unrest. People are resisting authoritarian rule in these countries, as demonstrated in the frequent social upheavals in Mali, Niger, Gabon and Burkina Faso (12). The prevalence of authoritarian regimes in Francophone Africa undermines democratic progress and human rights (13). Addressing the historical, cultural, and economic factors contributing to authoritarianism requires a multifaceted approach. Strengthening democratic institutions, promoting economic development, and empowering civil society are crucial steps towards reversing this trend. The international community must prioritize democracy and human rights in autocratic Francophone Africa, supporting the different countries to transition to more inclusive and participatory governance.
II – Spotlighting Rising Authoritarian in Francophone Africa: The Role of Governance and Democracy Think Tanks
What role can governance and democracy think tanks play in this scenario of rising authoritarianism in Francophone Africa? This question is against a background of the general notion of history as a progression, as an evolution, where the human society becomes better because of inventions and ideas. For sure, a rising authoritarianism demonstrates that history is also regressive, unfortunately. Nevertheless, the question remains whether this rise of authoritarianism reflects the will of the people or if it demonstrates state capture by elite that finds it more convenient to govern people, either without popular support or with effrontery disregard of liberal democratic principles.
Critical reflections concerning the upswing of authoritarianism in Francophone Africa, but more importantly, on what think tanks could do in this context, must see think tanks as part of the civil society. The governance and democracy think tanks are part of the civil society organizations that add their voice of discontent regarding the contraction of democratic space in the Francophone countries. For instance, within the past two years, the Nkafu Policy Institute has held annual think tank forums, with one of the foci being the role the civil society can play to strengthen democracy in the central African region (14, 15). This is against a backdrop of an inexistent or a weakening civil society needed to push back at the growing tendency of authoritarianism in the mainly Francophone central African countries.
Usually consisting of non-governmental organizations, community groups, and grassroots movements, the civil society advocates for social change, human rights, and what is needed to challenge authoritarianism. Think tank organizations add diversity to groups that fight authoritarianism. Civil society institutions and associations, unlike most states in the Francophone African countries, are closer to the people; they can better observe developments such as conflicts, voting malpractices, police misconduct, etc. (16). They are better positioned to observe the quality of electoral process, propose electoral laws and reforms, raise awareness about, and suggest the ways, to overcome authoritarianism.
Think tanks, because of their in-depth research, can provide society with expert political trajectory of authoritarianism in Francophone Africa, such as the consequences of concentrating power in the presidency. Once this begins to happen, the president may probably become an autocrat who does not account to anyone because there are no checks and balances emanating from an independent judiciary and parliament (17). As such, autocrats are likely to resort to authoritarian tendencies such as suspending the constitution, committing electoral fraud, censoring the media, or clamping down on opposition.
Moreover, because of their research and reports, think tanks act both as producers and reservoirs of information and expert knowledge about the eroding democracy in Francophone Africa (18, 19, 20). The data they generate is readily available for use by anyone or institution that wants to raise awareness about autocratic rule; governments, international organisations and other civil society groups can use this data when and if they want to cite specific incidences of authoritarianism in the Francophone countries.
Furthermore, the think tanks working in (or interested in) Francophone Africa could actively campaign and advocate for reforms, be they institutional, legal, or electoral, all with the aim to ensure fair governance, where leaders could be held accountable. To this end, it is vital that they work with other civil society organisations, policymakers, and even politicians. They look for, and work with allies, so to speak. What may count in such scenarios are numbers and the strategic importance of the people in the coalition advocating for reforms that thwart authoritarianism. Ideally, the coalition can offer governance options that are democratic and inclusive.
Although they work from within the Francophone countries, think tanks, because of the visibility, stand a better position to forge working relationships and build coalition across borders (21). To reinforce their stamina, think tanks working to dismantle authoritarianism in Francophone countries must aspire to work with other think tanks across borders as well as international stakeholders such as the African Union, the United Nations and the European Union to promote democratic principles of human rights, respect of the constitution, and the rule of law.
These activities require strategic communication, which means cleverly getting information and research results to the wider public through the media. It entails providing information in a manner that is accessible to the public (22). To help counter disinformation from the authoritarian state, think tanks may consider supporting independent media organizations. Think tanks’ engagement with the media should ideally emanate from a standpoint that supporting media freedom prevents the state from controlling domains of discourse and representations, usually after they must have silenced dissenting voices.
Conclusion and Recommendations
How can democracy and governance think tanks in Francophone Africa stay steadfast in exposing and working against the authoritarianism in Francophone Africa? In the preceding sections, we have examined the incidences / spotlights on authoritarianism and the atmosphere in which the think tanks work in Francophone Africa. Evidently, governance and democracy think tanks, aside from exposing and forming coalitions to resist authoritarianism, also feel the impact of a contracting democratic space from within. They are placed between the proverbial rock and the hard place but could strive better if they consider the following:
- First, think tanks must stay consistent in what they do. They must continue to play the crucial role of navigating and exposing authoritarianism in Francophone Africa by conducting research, documenting abuses, strengthening civil society, and amplifying the voices of opposition.
- Secondly, they must capitalize on their expertise as reservoirs of knowledge and information; they are an authority within in their area of activity. For instance, they can convincingly show evidence of human rights abuses and incidences of corruption as a way to hold authoritarian regimes accountable for their actions.
- As indicated earlier, think tanks must form coalitions within and across the borders of the Francophone country where they work. Through national and international collaboration, think tanks can help remind authoritarian countries the necessity of democratic governance.
Governance and democracy think tanks face the arduous tasks of highlighting as well as resisting the rising authoritarianism in Francophone African countries. To address this task, they conduct research, do advocacy as well as form coalition with other organizations within and across borders. Additionally, they must strategically use the media to get their work to the wider public.
Dr. Primus M. Tazanu
Dr Primus M. Tazanu is a Research Fellow in Governance at the Nkafu Policy Institute .He is equally a lecturer at the Department of Sociology and Anthropology, University of Buea, Cameroon. Primus holds a PhD in social anthropology from the University of Freiburg, Germany
Dr. Pippie Hugues
Dr. Pippie Hugues is a Policy Analyst at the Governance and Democracy Division of the Nkafu Policy Institute. He holds a Ph.D. in International Law with specialty in Human Rights, Conflict and Peace building.
