Following their creation in Europe and their subsequent spread in America, think tanks are gradually taking roots on the African continent (1). Indeed, public authorities in this region can rely on policies elaborated by think tanks to improve their governance. But, the relevance of these policies depends on the quality of leadership implemented by their leaders. For a society that aims to be inclusive, this leadership must include all sections of the population, including women. In fact, leadership defines the ability of an individual to lead or direct other individuals or organizations in order to achieve certain objectives (2). It reveals a mixture of skills and behaviors that allow an individual to effectively influence a group or team, in order to achieve common objectives (3). In view of the public interest mission that think tanks set themselves to contribute to the management of public affairs, they must be run by committed, competent and responsible individuals. This profile is within the reach of women, who stand out as much as men in academic or professional training settings. Yet women are still under-represented in professional spheres in Central Africa. In an article by Shannon Sutton, a study conducted on 43 think tanks supported by the Think Tank Initiative (ITT) in the countries of the South reveals that only 23% of these think tanks are headed by a woman (4). However, certain factors such as the statistics of women in the population in Central Africa could justify a greater representation in management positions within think tanks (5). This observation raises questions and leads the researcher to ask two questions: why are women under-represented in think-tank management positions in Central Africa, and what impact could this situation have on public policies? This analysis allows us to question the governance of think tanks in Central Africa in order to explore avenues for improvement. Through a questionnaire administered to leaders and staff of think tanks in this region and a number of interviews conducted, the study aims to take stock of the representation of women in think tanks in Central Africa, before deducing the impact on public policies.
- Assessment of female leadership in think tanks in Central Africa
While many studies analyze gender within state institutions, the issue of women’s representation in research institutions, specifically think tanks, remains largely understudied. However, these organizations have a considerable impact on the development, implementation and evaluation of public policies. Studying the presence of women within these organizations enables us to consider the diversity of the expertise mobilized, and to question the effectiveness and relevance of public policies.
Indeed, the representation of women in think tanks in Central Africa is still low, regardless of the country, the domain of expertise and the seniority of the organization. Very often, they occupy second-category administrative positions (accounting, communication, secretariat) and very few are involved in management committees and research. Regarding the representation of women in leadership positions, some think tanks stand out compared to others. In illustration of this, Institut Concorde, a female-led think tank based in Gabon was founded by a Charlene Ongotha, who sits as president. An earlier conducted interview with Charlene reveals that the Concorde Institute is composed of 28 members, including 14 women involved in various profiles and six women constituting members of the board. In Rwanda, IPAR Rwanda is currently headed by a woman who is the Executive Director. Furthermore, the Board of Directors of this think tank is composed of seven members including three women. In the same vein, two women out of five members hold management positions at the Central African based think tank, Centre d’Études et de Recherches sur l’Analyse et les Politiques Économiques (CERAPE). This configuration is the same for the Centre Centrafricain de Recherche et d’Analyse Géopolitique (CCRAG). In contrast of the above, the Chadian based Cercle de Réflexion et d’Orientation sur la Soutenabilité de l’Économie Tchadienne (CROSET), the Executive Board composed of four members does not include any women.
The representation of women in the research team is just as marginal in most think tanks in Central Africa, with a few exceptions. At the Nkafu Policy Institute, a think tank of the Denis & Lenora Foretia Foundation, out of nine permanent researchers, seven are women, including one Research Assistant, two Research Associates, two Analysts and two Senior Analysts. In other think tanks, women are a minority in the domain of research and their number fluctuates between one and three women researchers at various levels. Several factors can explain this double marginalization of women in management and research positions within think tanks in Central Africa.
First, these organizations emerged very late in Africa, whereas they appeared earlier on the international scene in the second half of the 20th century ( 6 ). This late emergence of African think tanks has hindered their institutional development, particularly in terms of attractiveness and financial stability. This has lastingly weakened their ability to recruit and retain qualified researchers, men and women, due to limited visibility and an often-precarious economic environment.
Then, there is an intellectual challenge, linked to the fact that several women with a university level and experience in their chosen field are nevertheless less sought after to work in think tanks in certain African countries. At CERAPE for example, a minimum level of BAC+5 is required to be recruited. However, women’s access to higher education in the Republic of Congo is low (6%). However, it is important to put this reason for the low education of women into perspective as a factor in their marginalization in power and research bodies, since the level of schooling and education of women is not identical in all Central African countries. In Cameroon, for example, it is easy to see women researchers in the few think tanks that exist, because at the national level women represent 42.19% of higher education students in 2018, with a slight over-representation in private institutions (IPES) ( 7 ).
Finally, the marginalization of women in management and research positions in think tanks in Central Africa is also due to a personal factor. As in other places, women operate mainly in an environment of male power. They can therefore be intimidated and confronted with a lack of self-confidence. The national coordinator of CERAPE, for example, was offended by the fact that for a year, this institution has had difficulty finding a woman to join its Board, because the women interviewed are reluctant and think they are not up to the task. This self-restraint would also partly explain the virtual absence of women founders of their own think tanks in Africa. Of the five think tanks in this study, only one was founded by a woman. This lack of dynamism certainly restricts the emergence of role models for young women who aspire to become involved in this sector. For the President of Institut Concorde, a woman’s family background can be an obstacle to her ability to run a think tank effectively. Indeed, there is sometimes a need to travel or participate online in international events. However, as a young mother or professional, opportunities for representation are limited. This low feminization of think tanks is not without consequences for public policies.
2. Impact of the low feminization of think tanks in Central Africa on public policies
Think tanks play a crucial role in generating ideas and influencing public policies. The low representation of women in think tanks in Central Africa limits the diversity of perspectives and expertise mobilized in the development of public policies, thus risking marginalizing the specific needs of women. Indeed, the low representation of women in think-tank management and research positions attenuates diversity in the approach to social problems. This attenuation can be seen at two levels: one concerns the scope of issues addressed by women, and the other relates to the difference in approach or the feminine touch in the search for solutions.
Women as think tank leaders are more likely to pay particular attention to issues related to gender-based violence, particularly domestic violence, as well as questions related to care and unpaid work, which are often made invisible in public policies. It will be logical for a woman leader of a think tank to spontaneously adhere to projects on domestic violence, firstly because she considers herself a potential victim and, secondly, because she can easily find material for debate to defend the cause of other women. Men also address these problems, but not with the same sensitivity as women. Similarly, women are better placed to be interested in “care“, which refers to a set of activities relating to caring for others and concerns the education of children, health-related care, but also helping people in difficulty.
In terms of their approach to find solutions, women think tank leaders can communicate more effectively with women politicians and civil servants. This ability can be explained by women’s specific communication styles, but also by a shared experience of personal and professional challenges. In addition, women are often more sensitive to issues of inter-sectionality and the gendered impacts of policies, enabling them to conduct more relevant research and build trusting relationships with women from all parts of the world.
The under-representation of women in management positions and research teams in think tanks significantly limits their ability to raise funds. Donors, both national and international, are placing increasing importance on gender equality and are increasingly favoring organizations led or co-led by women. As a result, male-dominated think tanks find themselves at a disadvantage in the competition for grants. To remedy this situation, some of them highlight the few women on their teams, positioning them as gender experts. However, this superficial strategy is not enough to convince donors, who are looking for a real integration of the gender perspective in all of the organization’s activities. This requirement compromises the credibility of some think tanks and limits their ability to play a leading role in the development of informed public policies.
Conclusion and recommendations
In a nutshell, the issue of gender equality remains just as crucial for think-tanks, especially as these organizations advocate for social justice. Greater representation of women in think tanks is essential to enriching debates and analyses, in order to propose more relevant solutions to societal challenges. This requires the commitment of all players: women themselves, think tanks, public authorities and donors.
At the individual level:
- Women need to believe in their abilities and aim for leadership positions. Creating women’s networks and participating in specific training courses can boost their self-confidence.
- They must acquire managerial skills and sector knowledge necessary to occupy high-level positions.
- Women wishing to get involved in research should not limit themselves to academia. Think tanks, as private research structures, also offer interesting and complementary career prospects.
At the think tank level:
- Think tanks must engage in an inclusive approach by integrating the gender dimension into all their activities, from research to governance.
- Recruitment policies should be reviewed to promote equal opportunities and diversity. Numerical targets can be set to increase the representation of women in teams.
- Think tanks must create an inclusive and gender-responsive working environment.
- Gender research alliances and networks can facilitate the exchange of good practices and the development of joint projects.
At the institutional and political level:
- Think tanks should actively lobby public authorities to promote gender equality in decision-making spheres.
- Donors should put in place incentive mechanisms for women-led organizations that integrate gender into their activities.
Dr. Théophile NGUIMFACK VOUFO
Holder of a PhD/Ph.D in Public Law, option Public Finance, Dr. Nguimfack is currently Lecturer at the Faculty of Legal and Political Sciences of the University of Dschang.
Aboudi Vanessa is a Policy Analyst in the Democracy and Governance Division of the Nkafu Policy Institute. She holds a Master's degree in Political Science from the University of Yaoundé II and is particularly interested in governance and gender issues. She is the author and co-author of several articles published in national and international journals.
